Nga Mandi Jatagani
The question is not just how much wealth increased!
The case of Blendi Gonxha deserves special consideration not simply because of the value of the declared assets, but because of the chronology of the intertwining between family business, public positions, state contracts, and publicly reported business relationships with close associates.
Public documents show that the Gonxhe family did not start economic activity after Blendi Gonxhe entered administration in 2015. On the contrary, Albarent was created in 2009, with Blendi Gonxhe as the sole partner, while Elda Gonxhe took over administration in 2010. In January 2024, 100% of the company’s shares were donated to Elda Gonxhe.
At the same time, various documents and reports have identified payments from private entities that had contracts with the state, payments from public institutions for the son’s company, and public contracts won by Nursen Metuli, a businessman whom the media has described as close to Gonxha.
This does not in itself prove corruption or conflict of interest. But it creates a series of relationships that require verification from primary documents: procurements, contracts, invoices, asset declarations, commercial registers and tax records.
1. BEFORE POWER: ALBARENT WAS ESTABLISHED IN 2009
On September 4, 2009, the company ALBARENT SHPK was founded, with NIPT K92108006A.
The historical extract of the commercial register shows that:
– the founder and partner was Blendi Gonxhja – 100%;
– the facility included vehicle rental, transportation, taxis, vehicle services, tourist activities and vehicle sales;
– the company had an initial capital of 100 thousand lek.
So, we have an important chronological fact: the company existed about six years before Gonxha’s return to the Albanian public administration in 2015.
This necessitates a distinction: it cannot be said that the family fortune was created from scratch after Gonxhe took a state position. A private base existed before.
The investigative question is different:
What happened to this economic base after the owner returned to administration?
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2. 2010–2014: FAMILY BUSINESS
In July 2010, Elda Gonxhja was appointed administrator of Albarent. In 2013, the register shows that the administrator was granted unlimited powers for banking, interbank transactions and cash withdrawals from the company’s account.
This is a point that should be read carefully.
It is about a declared family structure:
Blendi Gonxhe — owner
Elda Gonxhja — administrator
We don’t need “secret company” theories: ownership and management are registered.
In 2014, the activity of Dante Gonxha, son of Blendi Gonxha, in the vehicle rental sector also appears. According to documents cited by the Democratic Party, the activity was registered in 2014.
Thus, before 2015 we have a structure that can be summarized as follows:
2009 — Albarent
2010 — Elda Hyn is administrator
2013 — extensive banking powers for the administrator
2014 — economic activity of Dante Gonxha
This is a documented family economic ecosystem, not a late creation after taking office.
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III. 2015: ENTRY INTO ADMINISTRATION
In 2015, Gonxhe returned to public administration. Published sources on asset declarations place the reported family assets at around 564 thousand euros at that time. The figure is an estimate based on declarations and should be distinguished from a certified balance of net assets.
This is the base year for any serious analysis.
And here a question should be asked that is much more precise than “how many millionaires did the politician become?”:
How much was the declared wealth before taking office, how much was it during each mandate, and from what sources did the difference arise?
Only this method allows the public to distinguish between:
– salary increases;
– growth in business profits;
– sale of properties;
– dividends;
– loans;
– savings;
– asset valuation;
– the spouse’s income;
– children’s income.
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4. DANTE GONXJA: FROM THE AUTOMOTIVE BUSINESS TO PAYMENTS FROM INSTITUTIONS
According to documents published by the opposition and reports referring to declarations made to the HIDAKKI, Blendi Gonxhe stated that his son Dante had earned around 38 thousand USD in income in 2015.
The same file published by the DP claims that during 2015–2020, the family declarations include around 200 thousand USD in the form of the son’s earnings and salaries.
According to this file, during the period 2016–2019, Dante Gonxha’s activity received around 6.6 million old lek from the Academy of Sciences, the Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs, and the Parliament, for the rental of vehicles.
Here a concrete administrative question arises:
What were the procurement procedures, funding limits, other bidders, market prices, and contracts for each of these payments?
This question is not an accusation.
This is precisely the question that needs to be asked when a family of a high-ranking official has economic activity in a sector where state institutions are buyers.
5. ALBARENT AND MONEY FROM STATE-RELATED COMPANIES
One of the most important chapters is 2019–2021.
According to tax documents cited by the media and the opposition, Albarent was paid around 151 million lek during this period by Integrated Energy BV SPV, the concessionaire company linked to the Tirana landfill/incinerator. CNA and other media outlets have published this figure, referring to tax documentation.
Another report claims that it involved over 70 payments for vehicle rentals.
A basic distinction must be made here:
Integrated Energy is not itself a public institution.
But its major contract was related to a public concession project.
Therefore, the investigative question is:
What was the real contractual relationship between Albarent and Integrated Energy? What vehicles were rented? For how many days? At what price? Who used them? For what activity? And was there any institutional connection to the duty that Gonxhe was exercising at the time?
The answer must come from contracts, invoices, vehicle records, and tax documentation.
6. TAX ISSUE: 1.2 MILLION EUROS?
This is the most serious part and requires the greatest care.
Reports published in 2025 claim that, on October 15, 2021, the General Directorate of Taxes had issued an order to freeze Albarent’s assets, due to reported tax liabilities of around 1.2 million euros for the period 2015–2021.
These same reports say that on November 8, 2023, the blocking measure was lifted following Tax procedures.
It should not be written here that “Taxes forgave 1.2 million euros” without seeing the original document.
It must be determined:
Was 1.2 million euros a tax liability established?
Was it paid?
Was it partially canceled?
Was it re-evaluated?
Was the measure repealed due to a legal procedure?
What was the real liability at the time the measure was lifted?
This is the document that must be requested from the General Directorate of Taxes.
If the figure is confirmed by the official document and if there are differences between the established obligation and the subsequent situation, we have an element that deserves full administrative review and, if there are reasonable doubts, independent investigation.
VII. 2020: NURSEN METUL’S NAME COMES TO THE CENTER OF ATTENTION
Nursen Metuli appears in this story.
The corporate registry shows that the company ATD — Albanian Technology Distribution, NIPT L21811033B, initially had Erjon Basha and Rogert Jashari as partners, along with Nursen Metuli; later history shows Metuli as 100% owner, while he is the administrator.
ATD operates in fields that include technology, GPS, monitoring, cameras, and security systems.
And here we have a direct procurement document:
In December 2020, ATD, with legal representative Nursen Metulin, was declared the winner in the procedure for the “upgrade” and purchase of HD for the SADIS system, with a bid of 9.07 million lek excluding VAT. The official winner notification document clearly identifies the operator, NIPT, representative and amount.
This is a documented fact.
What should not be asserted without additional evidence is that this contract was the result of Gonxha’s intervention.
VIII. ATD AND THE VOLUME OF PUBLIC CONTRACTS
Data compiled from public procurement sources show significant ATD activity in public sector contracts.
According to data published by Polikum, ATD results in contracts and payments in several institutions, including AKSHI, KESH, Albcontrol and other institutions, while the aggregate values of the contracts identified in the database are very high.
Another distinction must be made here:
The total value of a company’s contracts is not the same as the owner’s profit.
It must be analyzed contract by contract:
limit fund → bid → winner → competitors → difference → contract → additions → real payments.
Only in this way can we understand whether we have normal competition or a repeated pattern of favoritism.
7. 2022: TENDERS REQUIRING REVIEW
In 2022, a KESH tender was reported where ATD emerged as the winner with a bid of 42.31 million lek excluding VAT, about 96.2% of the limit fund, while the media reported that another participant had submitted a zero bid.
This configuration is sufficient to raise questions about competition, but not to prove that the tender was fictitious.
The professional investigation should seek:
– tender documents;
– the reason why an operator offered zero;
– technical criteria;
– qualification documents;
– complaints;
– decisions of the CPC, if any;
– the final contract;
– payments made.
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8. 2024: TRANSFER OF ALBARENT TO ELDA GONXJA
On January 11, 2024, according to the donation contract recorded in the company’s history, Blendi Gonxhe transfers 100% of Albarent’s shares to his wife, Elda Gonxhja.
The extract clearly shows that after the donation:
Blendi Gonxhe leaves the company.
Elda Gonxhja becomes the sole owner with 100%.
This is a documented fact and must be placed against the chronology of his public career.
It is not lawful to automatically conclude that the transfer was made to conceal assets or a conflict of interest.
But for a serious investigation, legitimate questions arise:
Why was it done at that exact moment?
What was the real economic value of the company at the time of donation?
How much was the retained earnings?
Were there any active obligations or contracts?
How was the donation declared in the asset declarations?
Did the transfer have an impact on how conflicts of interest were handled?
The answers must come from the Central Bank, the HIDAKKI, balance sheets and tax documents.
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9. FROM 564 THOUSAND EUROS TO MILLIONS: BUT WHERE IS THE PROOF OF THE RATE OF GROWTH?
Reports from 2026, referring to wealth declarations, present the Gonxhe family with around 564 thousand euros in the initial declaration and then with a significant increase, reaching estimates of around 1.2 million euros at a later stage and around 2.5 million euros as assets calculated for the period until 2023.
But here we must be rigorous:
2.5 million euros should not be presented as “2.5 million euros earned”.
The source reporting this figure describes it as a calculation of a family’s wealth, property, liquidities, and assets. This is not the same as net income.
So, the correct conclusion is:
“Public sources report a very significant increase in the value of family assets between the initial declaration and subsequent years. The exact extent and source of this increase must be verified declaration by declaration by HIDAKKI.”
This is much stronger than an unsupported accusation.
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XII. 2015–2026: CHRONOLOGY OF THE TWO STREAMS
If we put public career and business development on the same graph, this chronology is created:
2009
Albarent is created. Blendi Gonxhe: 100% partner.
2010
Elda Gonxhja becomes administrator.
2013
Elda is equipped with extensive competencies for banking and cash operations.
2014
Dante Gonxha’s business in the vehicle rental sector appears.
2015
Blendi Gonxhe returns to the administration; the initial declaration is reported to be around 564 thousand euros per family.
2016–2019
Payments to Dante Gonxha’s activity from public institutions are reported.
2018
Gonxhe takes over the management of the DPSHTRR.
2019–2021
Albarent is reported to have received around 151 million lek from Integrated Energy BV SPV.
2020
Nursen Metuli’s ATD wins the SADIS procedure with a bid of 9.07 million lek excluding VAT.
2021
A tax order to block Albarent is reported for alleged liabilities of around 1.2 million euros.
2022
It is reported that the KESH tender was won by ATD for 42.31 million lek excluding VAT.
2023
The blocking measure on Albarent is lifted according to the company’s registration history; media reports link this to the settlement of obligations.
2024
100% of Albarent passes from Blendi to Elda Gonxhja.
2025
ATD wins a tender from the Albanian Public Service Agency reported to be worth 313.57 million lek excluding VAT, around 376.28 million lek including VAT, according to published reporting on the procedure.
2026
Albarent is active and Elda Gonxhja is its owner in the registry data consulted; ATD is active and Nursen Metuli is listed as the administrator/owner.
XIII. WHAT IS PROVEN AND WHAT REMAINS FOR INVESTIGATION?
This is perhaps the most important part of the entire file.
DOCUMENTED
Albarent has existed since 2009.
Blendi Gonxhe was a 100% partner in its founding.
Elda Gonxhja was an administrator.
In 2024, 100% of the company passed to Elda.
Dante Gonxha has been active in the vehicle rental sector.
ATD had Nursen Metulin in the ownership and management structure.
ATD has won documented public contracts.
There is a procurement document for the SADIS tender of 9.07 million lek excluding VAT.
There are reports/documents cited on payments to Albarent from Integrated Energy.
There is public documentation of the change in ownership of Albarent in 2024.
REPORTED, BUT MUST BE VERIFIED WITH THE PRIMARY DOCUMENT
The figure for the increase in family wealth is around 2.5 million euros.
The figure is 1.2 million euros in tax liabilities.
The claim that these obligations have been illegally “erased”.
The claim that ATD contracts are the result of Gonxha’s interference.
Allegation of “scheme” or conflict of interest between public positions and family contracts.
These should not be presented as completed facts without additional documentation.
XIV. QUESTIONS THAT THE STATE MUST ANSWER
If this dossier were addressed to Albanian institutions, the main questions would be:
HIDAKKI:
What was the declared net worth of the Gonxhe family in each year from 2015 to 2025?
HIDACCI:
What is the documented source of any increase above the declared income limits?
Taxes:
How much was Albarent’s actual tax liability in October 2021?
Taxes:
Why was the freeze imposed and on which tax items?
Taxes:
What amount was paid by November 2023?
Taxes:
Was the liability canceled, reassessed, offset, or discharged?
QKB:
What was Albarent’s balance sheet for each year from 2009 to 2025?
Procurement:
How many public contracts did Albarent receive in each year?
Procurement:
Which institutions were contracting authorities?
Procurement:
How many competitors participated in each procedure?
ATD:
What is the total value of public contracts won from 2012 to 2026 and how many of them were won by Metuli as owner/administrator?
Conflict of interest control:
Have the relationships between Gonxha’s public positions and the family’s economic activity been analyzed according to the law on conflict of interest?
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10. CONCLUSION: A MODEL THAT REQUIRES TRANSPARENCY, NOT PREJUDICE
The economic history of the Gonxhe family does not begin with power.
It starts at least in 2009, with Albarent.
Then comes the administration by the wife, the son’s activity in the same sector, the return of Blendi Gonxha to the administration in 2015, his transfer to DPSHTRR in 2018, the payments reported by Integrated Energy during 2019–2021, the activity of Nursen Metulit and ATD in public procurement, the tax issue reported for Albarent, and in 2024 the complete transfer of the company to Elda Gonxha.
In 2025, Nursen Metuli’s ATD continues to appear in public contracts, while Albarent continues its activity with Elda Gonxhje as owner.
This picture is not proof that a group of people committed crimes.
But it is a sufficient basis for a serious question of public interest:
“How is it possible that a family with business activity before entering the administration has managed to build a much larger fortune during the long period of exercising public functions, while family companies and close persons have been publicly reported to have received payments or contracts from state institutions and entities related to public projects?”
The answer should not come from government propaganda nor from opposition accusations.
It must come from HIDAKKI + Taxes + Central Bank + Treasury + Open Procurement + original contracts + invoices + seized bank documents if there is an investigation.
Because only then can it be determined whether we have had:
normal growth of wealth from business,
OR
use of family and professional relationships to benefit from public money,
OR
undeclared conflict of interest,
or a combination of these elements.
And this is exactly what an institutional investigation should clarify.
Methodological note: This material uses data from public records and media reports. For allegations of violations, conflict of interest, evasion of obligations or manipulation of tenders, the text does not present them as proven facts without a relevant decision or primary document. Gonxhe himself and sources close to him have disputed some of the published claims, so the final conclusion requires checking the original documents.